Resumo
In this paper, we focus on Russian quantified noun phrases that are known to be able to trigger plural verbal agreement or no agreement at all. Descriptively, we offer a novel generalization: when such phrases trigger plural verbal agreement, they cannot be interpreted in the immediate scope of negation. We show that this generalization falls out if these plural-agreeing phrases are treated in semantics as individual-denoting choice-functional indefinites and not as generalized quantifiers. Theoretically, we speculate that interpretable number features are in principle incompatible with generalized quantifier denotations.